Why not speak: The Imposing Question of Somalis in the Ogaden.

WHY NOT SPEAK:

THE IMPOSING QUESTION OF THE SOMALIS IN THE OGADEN

Mahamud Ugas Muhumed

(PhD Candidate)

July 2005

I. BACKGROUND

The Ogaden is a land in the Horn of Africa between Somalia and Ethiopia, which has been in dispute between two unconcerned countries for a long time. History tells us that upon the scramble and partition of Africa in 1884 by the Europeans, the region remained given to Menelik II of Ethiopia during 1891-97, but the territory was totally engulfed in 1954[1]. In December 1957 Ethiopia and Italy reported to the UN General Assembly that direct negotiations were not successful. 

The Italian Government refused to accept an Ethiopian compromise on the provisional administrative line, and an arbitration tribunal of three jurists was appointed in 1958 and failed. The General Assembly then asked the King of Norway to nominate an adviser to assist in resolving the tribunal's terms of reference. Trygyve Lie, the former UN Secretary-General, was appointed in August 1959, but he failed to obtain an agreement. Although no additional progress toward a settlement was reached prior to the independence of Somalia, both Ethiopian and Somali representatives agreed in December 1959 that the provisional administrative line should remain in force until a final settlement was reached. 

At the 14th and last session of the UN General Assembly before Somalia's independence, a resolution regarding the Ethiopia–Somalia boundary failed to pass because the Fourth Committee was unable to make a recommendation. Following independence on July 1, 1960, Somalia withheld recognition of the Anglo–Ethiopian delimitation of 1897 and afforded only de facto recognition to all boundaries with Ethiopia[2].

While all these embezzlements were striving, Somalis in the Ogaden were denied of all their political rights to stand by themselves and speak off their determinations and will.

Since Somalia’s independence of 1960, the region has been in wars, cyclic droughts and total devastation. The people of the region are naturally peaceful and were never allowed to exercise their rights for self-determination, but rather subjected to longstanding hidden-sufferings and abuses by ruthless successive Ethiopian governments.   

Just because of a complex maze of political, economic, social and fabricated security problems, the region is the least developed in Ethiopia. One can see the hatred and anarchism of the past and present governments in the region by a single sight seeing without any in-depth assessment. One high school, one referral hospital, zero electricity you name it for all these five million people. No communication of all sorts, no roads, no trade in and out, no airports, no government facilities of all sorts, no law and order. No roads.   

II. NATURAL RESOURCE IN THE OGADEN

When Declan Conway - Lecturer in Natural Resources; University of East Anglia was saying in his book of Ethiopian Wetland Research Program[3] ‘Why it is that Ethiopia has been and remains subject to drought and why is drought associated with such tragic consequences for the people of Ethiopia?’, he was talking about the irrationality of naturally rich people dying for hunger and malnutrition.   

If we talk about natural resources as anything that is provided by nature, such as deposits of minerals, quality of land, old-growth forests, fish populations, livestock etc, and if we agree that the availability of particular natural resources is an important determinant of comparative advantage and trade in products that depend on them and constitute one of the primary factors of production, and economic development, then clearly, the Ogaden has an abundant natural resource making it one of the richest regions in Ethiopia and those in the fore front in Africa by nature. 

Many studies witness how Ethiopians in the highland are naturally poor. Ishac Diwan - the head of the World Bank in Ethiopia in many occasions “in 2050 there will be 150 million Ethiopians of which 50 or 60 million will be in the cities. You do not want to have the remaining population of a 100 million or so, in the highlands. The situation in the highlands is already unsustainable, and parts of the area are in a Malthusian trap with poor farmers eating up the land, with soil degradation and soil losses due to deforestation. So you have 30 or 40 million that have to be somewhere else. There is a lot of land in the country that is not used. There is a limit to how many livelihoods can be sustained on the highlands. Take advantage of the rivers in the fertile plains in the lowlands. There are three to four million hectares that could be irrigated.”[4] 

The Ogaden region is one of the most prosperous regions in Africa in terms of livestock population, natural gas, rangeland as well as cultivable valleys. According to study conducted by South East Rangeland Project funded by African Development Bank  (SERP/ADB) in 1994, there are 2 million camels, 10 million sheep, 8 million goats and 6 million cattle. There is more than 76 billion mcu of natural gas deposits in the region. There are four perennial Rivers, 27 intermittent Rivers, 43 streams all of them irrigating more than 1.3 million hectares of cultivable valleys. Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) estimated that livestock exported from the ports of Berbera - Somalia and Asseb - Eritrea coming from the Ogaden region in 1984 were estimated to be more than 84 million USD and 110 million USD respectively.  

For a five million people, this completely categorizes the dwellers in the region as very rich. But, unfortunately, the greatest human catastrophe happens where naturally wealthy people like this are starving to death every now and then! USA government, which was on the other extreme even now accepted that politics are strongly evidenced in the creation or allowance of disaster pre-conditions as shown in its reflections from the major 2002 report on U.S. foreign assistance named as  “Natsios Report”, note (p. 24)

III. THE DEMOCRATIC FEDERAL SYSTEM

Hope of prosperity:

In the eve of the new Ethiopian regime, restructuring the economy in a democratic way; achieving sustained economic growth; permanent peace and stability; respect for the human right and rule of law were some of the expectations of the Ogaden people in 1991. Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) gave a chance to the peace and joined the reconstruction of the country and fully participated the first democratic election in Ethiopia in 1994, where they won 84%  of the regional parliament seats in the Ogaden and established the first regional government in 1994. 10% of those elected ONLF members during that period were detainees in the EPRDF military barracks as of the beginning.

Early misunderstanding:

In late 1993, the newly established regional government submitted new proposals regarding the decentralization and privatization of the existing resources and firms used to serve the Ogaden. The government soon translated the proposals as untimely grievance and continued dismantling the firms that served Somalis in the Ogaden under the revision of the Investment Code in the expenses of all the Somalis in the Ogaden. The most important and well illustrious companies included the Livestock Exporting Company, the Local Factory Products Distributing Corporation, Government Transport Agency and the Regional Chamber of Commerce. This immediately impacted the commotion of the local economy, closing of all trade-outlets, freezing of the activities of the local retailers, the livestock markets and so on.

In early 1994, the regional government then proposed the foundations of new projects including the rehabilitation of the returnees along Wabi-Shabele valley, establishment of Wabi-Shabelle Agro-Industrial Project, Revitalization of Elbahay Dam, hand over of some of the federal-government run multi-funded projects including: South East Rangeland Project (SERP); Calub Gas Project- Community Development Component; West Gode River Diversion Project – Irrigation Component; Rural Roads Construction Company and National Water Supply Equipment Agency. Surprisingly, the federal government’s response to these requests was the killing of the eight mayors of the region and attack of the Chairman of ONLF in Warder ensuing the death of more than 84 innocent civilians in February 1994.   This was an act that contradicted the commitment to regional autonomy and devolution of power to the regions.  This hatred and atrocities never happen in an ideological vacuum. They are obviously manifestations of certain conspiracy to disrupt the hope of prosperity. There is no doubt that it had a clear association to the past colonial question of exploitation.     

Why ONLF pulled out:

ONLF constituting more than 85% of the regional government seats did not yet denounce the federal government and maintained its zonal offices open by encouraging the community to be patient and wait for the declaration of their elected regional members in the regional government. In February 1994, the Regional Assembly passed a unanimous resolution in accordance with the Transitional Charter, demanding a referendum on self-determination and independence for the Somalis in the Ogaden, under the auspices of international and regional bodies such as United Nations, Organization of African Unity, European Union, and other independent non-governmental organizations.

The federal government wildly reacted against the referendum by moving the regional capital from Gode to Jigjiga and arresting the President, Vice-President, Secretary of the State and the Regional Minister of Planning and Economic Development Bureau. The federal government detained many of the nominated team of the referendum of which Abshir Abdi Suge and Abdulahi Abdi Taflow are missing to date.  Instead the federal government ended the long-standing conflict in the region; it lost an excellent opportunity and planted the seeds of the techno-cycle of bloodshed and violence.

The EPRDF government started trying to divide Somalis in the Ogaden  and undermine the leading role of ONLF by creating pseudo-organizations based on tribal lines. At the same time, it spread its intelligence network and military garrisons all over the Ogaden worse than the previous regimes. It was only after EPRDF army masterminded and killed several ONLF Central Committee officials, that ONLF withdrew its offices from the zones and resorted its old style of movement. The reports of the human rights abuses and EPRDF atrocities in Ogaden in 1994 and the years to follow are everywhere in the archives of human rights organizations. Ethiopia refused the Amnesty International team to go to the Ogaden since 1995.  

International investment:

In the past the country was practicing the mixed economy and the state intervention was viewed as necessary to propel a balanced and rapid economic development. When Ethiopia has entered into the new era of relationship with international investors, Heinrich Schaller - an Ex-Professor of Addis Ababa University said in 1992, in his book – Ethiopia Today[5]; ‘Whether the new Ethiopian constitution will bring peace and order to the country will ultimately depend also on the economical successes.’ 

The agencies that immediately responded positively in reconstructing the country included: International Monetary Fund, World Bank, Consultative Group, Special Program of Assistance for Africa, United Nations Development Program (UNDP), UN Economic Commission on Africa, African Development Bank, UNICEF, UNAids, World Trade Organization, Development Committee, Food and Agriculture Organization, UNIDO, UN Environment Program, International Labor Organization, International Fund for Agricultural Development, Paris Club, Development Assistance Group on Ethiopia, USAID, DFID, Nordic Development Fund, other bilateral donors and 310 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). EPRDF discourage the international community from intervening in the Ogaden. None of these agencies has conducted a single study in the region let alone implementing a project.

Generally, international investors greatly consider the predictability, transparency and accountability of the policy regime and the quality of legal and judicial system in the host country before intervening. In the case of Ethiopia, only what were seen in the papers were relied on by forgetting the actual situation. Let alone the Ogaden region benefiting from such international investments, the government banned the only two locally established non-governmental organizations raided their offices and arrested the founders for no reason.  

Local economy and social well being:

Somalis in the Ogaden were economically better off before than this time. More than 75% of Somalis in Ogaden rear livestock, which is their chief belongings. Rearing livestock is now a burden to the people. EPRDF dismantled the livestock exporting companies, which was one of the main misunderstandings between the federal government and the first regional government and in the mean time made the main export route to Somalia contraband. None of the afore mentioned projects exist now.

There is no single ongoing project that contributes any economic development in the region. Where is SERP? What about Wabi-Shabele Agro-Industrial Project, Elbahay Project, God-Usbo Project? Where is the Community Development Component of Calub Gas Project? Why Regional Chamber of Commerce was banned? Whose responsibilities were all these projects to dysfunction? It was the responsibility of the federal government. When Save the Children and Institute of Development Studies in their research paper of 20 Years of Missed Opportunity[6] said in July 2003 that “In the past, wealthier community members provided a support structure for the poor but now deepening poverty is eroding this traditional coping mechanism and the number of wealthier families has fallen from 32 per cent to 2 per cent in the last 20 years”, had they conducted this study in the Ogaden, the rate could have been much worse. 

There is no any regional abstract to rely on, regarding any statistics or study on the socio-economic indicators in the Ogaden. But, the region is much below the national average and the lowest in every aspect of life in all the regions of Ethiopia.  More families are becoming marginalised, impoverished and cut off from essential services such as access to clean water, modern health services and education

Somalis in the Ogaden are worse off and more vulnerable than ever before. People in region have become progressively poorer as a result of the denial of the exploitation of their natural resources, poor governance and all sorts of degrading human rights violations. They are now chronically dependent on food aid and increasing volumes of necessary international assistance to meet emergency appeals cannot be an alternate for addressing the underlying causes of chronic food insecurity. The road between Harar and Kabridahar was only eight hours drive in 1974, and there were public buses every day. Now, that road could only be accessed by 4WD taking them four days of hardship from Harar to Kabridahar, which is only 490km apart. 

Elections:

When a Norwegian observers group (Tronvoll, K. and O. Aadland.) to Ethiopian elections of May 1995 noted in their report named :  The process of democratization in Ethiopia – An expression of popular participation or political resistance?[7] The team raised many concerns such as  “if one alternative is held up as the only loyal one while other alternatives are suppressed, prohibited or silenced, the debate is not inclusive – and then the elections are meaningless. Under such circumstances it is better to hold no elections at all than to discredit  them as a tool for democracy, thereby discrediting democracy in the people’s minds” they were only talking about the other parts of the country.

In the Ogaden context, we can understand that some nature of election existed in all other parts of Ethiopia. Had the team observed the so-called election in the Ogaden, they could have seen far different scenario where people are enslaved in such inhuman bondage of dread and embezzlement to the extent that it is the military that forces people to come out to be elected not to elect candidates mind you; but to be elected. People are forced to be candidates!   

Local investment:

According to the donor countries, Ethiopia is known to take steps to liberalize its foreign investment sector and the government opened foreign investment in the electricity and non-courier postal services sectors so to speak. In the face of the international communities, While Ethiopia has eliminated some or all of the discriminatory tax, credit and foreign trade treatment of the private sector; simplified administrative procedures; and established a clear and consistent set of rules regulating business activities in many parts of the country, what makes the Ogaden exceptionally very dissimilar and a military garrison? None of these were applied in the Ogaden. 

The nominal regional government gives local contracts of constructing non-functional white elephants of a few primary schools and health posts in the region. There are 28 local Somali contractors and three Tigrean contractors. It sounds strange to witness that, let alone anything else, 85% of the bids are granted to the three Tigrean contractors.

Abuse in human dignity:

There is no single officer from the regional authority with some sort of dignity and privilege. How come, could eight regional presidents be changed in ten years period of which they all worked under close scrutiny of powerfully mandated advisors from the Prime-Minister? The zonal governors are humiliated, harassed and intimidated by EPRDF armed men. Judges are even arrested in the military barracks. 

In the past, even during the Marxist dictatorship, a governor in Degahbour had the same dignity, power and privilege as the one in Mekele, Addis Ababa or Gondor. Now, there is no morale and ethics. There is no respect for the rule of law. There is an attitude that Somalis in the Ogaden are not even human beings.

No judiciary system of any sort in the region. The Zonal Attorney of Godey zone is in a military detention for the eighth year now after opening a case between two local civilians in the court twice.  The Mayor of Danan town was in the detention since the year 2000 for being an icebreaker of the droughts hit in the Ogaden. Reliable reports documented human rights violations in the Ogaden, including illegal imprisonment without charges or trial, enforced disappearances, torture, extrajudicial executions, abduction, forced labour, hostage-taking, abusive dismissals, ethnic discrimination and religious persecution carried out by the Ethiopian government. It has been so far documented 1835 extra judicial killings; 2643 disappearance cases; 1566 rape and child molestation cases; 12,362 cases of unlawful private property confiscation; and demolition of 8,485 houses owned by innocent civilians. These violations took place between the years 1992 and 2003[8].

Politically inspired inter-clan fighting:

The worst is unaddressed politically inspired local inter-clan clashes. The whole local social structure was destructed resulting the death of more than 3,000 local tribe’s men since EPRDF came to power in 1991[9]. To name but a few, 280 people died in Garbo between two Ugas-Koshin clansmen after EPRDF military arrested the old Chief and nominated their own new chief. 84 people died in Mindi-ir after the government handed over a water-well to a different clan. More than 319 died in a clash in around Kelafo area, after the federal government interfered the existing social structure of dividing the local resources. More than 310 people died at Aba-korow when the military named two new chiefs for two rival clans. The on-going Salahad fighting where more than 395 people died is one which is backed up by the EPRDF army promising to give seats in the parliament if one of the clans conquers the settlements. The local clashes in and around Jigjiga area is the same.

There was a fight in the past usually arising from local resource sharing and cultural matters, but in the mean time it was settled by means of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms and social systems where the respected clan elders and chiefs intervenes and settles the issue immediately and permanently. Now a days, almost all the local traditional elders and chiefs were labeled as ONLF supporters and were either killed, detained or not respected by the government or they took refugee elsewhere. Nevertheless, the root causes of these local clan fighting are simply political inspirations making people to forget their ambitions for freedom and development.

IV. RECOMMENDATIONS

Recommendation-1: Why not speak?

Article 39 of the new Ethiopian constitution says:

The Right of Nations, Nationalities and Peoples

1. Every nation, nationality or people in Ethiopia shall have the unrestricted right to self determination up to secession.

2. Every nation, nationality and people shall have the right to speak, write and develop its language and to promote its culture, help it grow and flourish, and preserve its historical heritage.

3. Every nation, nationality or people in Ethiopia shall have the unrestricted right to administer itself; and this shall include the right to establish government institutions within the territory it inhabits and the right to fair representation in the federal and state governments.

4. The right to self determination up to secession of nation, nationality and peoples may be exercised:-

(a) Where the demand for secession is approved by a two thirds (2/3rds) majority of the legislature of the nation, nationality or people concerned.

(b) Where the Federal Government within three years upon receipt of the decision of the legislature of the nation, nationality or people demanding secession, organizes a referendum for the nation, nationality or people demanding secession.

(c) Where the demand for secession is supported by a simple majority vote in the referendum.

(d) Where the Federal Government transfers power to the parliament of the nation, nationality or people which has opted for secession.

(e) Where property is partitioned in accordance with the law.

Somalis in Ethiopia have had nothing in common with other Ethiopian nationalities and no body accepts to be Ethiopians. The one and the only one problem of the Somalis in Ethiopia is the denial of their rights to self determination. Therefore, the only solution to that problem is to implement this article and allow the people to exercise their constitutional rights. Why not speak?  

Bibliography

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[1] Pankhurst, E. Sylvia. British Policy in Eastern Ethiopia: The Ogaden and the Reserve Area. Library of the Congress. 1982

[2] International  Boundary Study. No 153. Country Codes: ET-SO, The Geographer Office of the Geographer Bureau of Intelligence and Research USA.  Jan. 9, 1978.

[3] Declan Conway: Ethiopian Wetland Research Program, University of East Anglia. 2000

[4] IRIN. 22 Aug. 2003

[5] Heinrich Schaller. Ethiopia Today. 1992

[6] SCF-UK; IDS-UK: 20 years of Missed Opportunities. 2003

[7] Tronvoll, K.; O. Aadland: The process of democratization in Ethiopia – An expression of popular participation or political resistance?. Norway. 1995.

[8] OHRC. Ogaden: Downtrodden and Disenfranchised People. 2004

[9] M.Ugas: Ethiopian Atrocities in the Ogaden. 2003.